Remembering Zion: Rastafari and Cultural Rebellion
by Andre Nickow
Diaspora is a word rarely used outside of academia, and yet to millions across the world it is a daily reality. The defining feature of the last century was the reaction of the majority of the Earth’s population, the periphery, against an idiosyncratic and yet technologically powerful minority, the core. The core has, for half a millennium, attempted to systematically force the diverse majority into a very specific and standardized sociopolitical/economic/cultural model called liberalism, a model into which much of the periphery often simply does not fit. Centuries of organic traditions usually characterized by territorial dynamism were disregarded as colonizers drew demographically awkward state lines, separating the world from itself. Thousands were dragged from their homes and forced across the world in one of humankind’s most shameful epochs, the slave trade. Only after a period of chaotic self-destruction in the core, that of the World Wars and the Great Depression, was the periphery given an opportunity to seize formal control of its own activities. Despite decades of often turbulent decolonization, the core retained control in indirect, yet fundamental ways. Thus we begin to see the problems to which Jamaica’s Rastafari provides a potential solution.
Generally a decentralized, open-minded, and individualistic group, the Rastafarians worship Haile Selassie, emperor of Ethiopia through the mid-twentieth century. It was he who inspired the event depicted at the outset of this essay with his arrival for a visit in Jamaica. For centuries, colonizers have attempted to suppress indigenous cultures through slavery and oppression. How is it possible that diasporic Africa maintains such a connection with its heritage that people will journey by the thousands from far and wide to greet the emperor of a country they have not inhabited for hundreds of years? The answer to this question can be found in the strategy of cultural resistance exemplified by Rastafari. I will investigate the ideology and institutions that compose this rebellion after a brief contrasting look at more traditional forms of anti-colonial activity.
In fighting for independence, liberation movements have used a wide variety of tactics. Frantz Fanon’s concept of decolonization through violence repelled the French from Algeria. Gandhi’s insistence on decolonization through nonviolence cast the British from India. But as we speak, India, Algeria, and many other nations remain subordinate to the core, even as formally independent nations. The means of control employed by the core lie in the very structure of the world system as the core has developed it, namely a collection of sovereign territorial states acting as atomized competitors in a global market. The core holds a monopoly on market policy control through an assortment of international financial institutions. It also holds an advantage in the military and technological sectors. How can one hold one’s own against such a structure? Some choose to continue with violence as a primary means. The clearest example of this strategy is that of antistatist Islamic fundamentalist groups active in the Middle East, such as Al Qaeda. Others, with little in common other than rejection of imperialism, such as the Zapatistas in Chiapas and different grassroots groups in Argentina attempt to undermine the global capitalist order by dropping out and creating their own diverse and independent communities. The former are creating chaos and destruction, annoying the core but without having any apparent success in instituting a constructive alternative. The latter seem to be achieving important successes, although it is an uphill struggle. Ultimately, it is far too soon to judge success levels for either of these groups.
A third means of resistance is rebellion at the level of culture and identity. While this strategy often overlaps with the others — the Zapatistas make particularly good use of indigenous culture in their activities — we look here at the case of Rastafari. This is because Rastas have employed cultural warfare as their primary strategy.
Originally the Rastas pushed for a return to Zion from Babylon in a very literal sense. Zion referred specifically to Ethiopia and Babylon referred specifically to the host environments of Africans in diaspora. During decolonization efforts in the early and mid-20th century, Ethiopia seemed to be maintaining its de facto as well as formal independence. Thus, return meant a successful evasion of liberalism. However, Haile Selassie died in the 1970s, and the dream of Ethiopia as an empire representing authentically African aspirations collapsed. This was part of a greater trend of globalization that has left virtually no substantial territorial segment free from the market-based world system. The Rastas have adapted to this shift: over the last decades their ideology has grown increasingly symbolic and personal. Babylon has grown to mean more generally the state of dependence and exploitation faced by the African diaspora. Zion has grown to mean independence, freedom, and affirmation of indigenous culture. This characteristic is not a dramatic break, however, with the more traditional beliefs and practices of Rastafari. Concepts have always held symbolic implications in addition to literal meanings. Selassie himself, during his visit to Jamaica, advised that Rastas “should not seek to immigrate to Ethiopia until they had liberated the people of Jamaica.”
Since migration to Ethiopia on its own is not an effective means of rebelling against capitalism for reasons discussed above, Rastas now choose to start from wherever they are and live a lifestyle that maintains cultural integrity despite the core’s greatest efforts to deny them legitimacy. Insofar as Rastas succeed in accomplishing this, they are effectively resisting the hegemony of the capitalist world system. Rastas hold several key beliefs and practices that cultivate a sense of identity separate from that propagated by the system at large. That of “I and I.” A sense of self-centeredness is necessary to compete with others in the rigors of the free market. Rastas reject this human atomization by denying the existence of the other as separate from the self, seeing only one people permeated by Jah. Thus “I and I” instead of “you and I.”
Another important Rastafarian practice is the smoking of ganja during reasonings, informal rituals in which Rastas discuss politics, spirituality, and the state of their movement. Smoking is justified by the following passage from Psalms (104:14): “He causeth the grass for the cattle and herb for the service of man.” It is difficult to argue that ganja is detrimental to the cultivation of the dehumanizing competition that is capitalism, unlike certain other drugs such as caffeine and, arguably, alcohol (both rejected by devoted Rastas as unnatural). Ganja builds a sense of solidarity and cooperation. When used in the context of conscious reflection as it is during reasonings, ganja offers insights into subtle but essential cultural and personal dynamics and helps to initiate the growth of constant spiritual awareness. Ganja comes from the earth and brings those who use it responsibly closer to the earth.
Diet constitutes yet another affirmation of non-capitalist identity. Rastas are taught to eat only I-tal food, meaning food that comes straight from the ground and is as close to its natural state as possible. This is a sharp contrast to the mass produced chemical substances much of the rest of the world consumes.
Dreadlocks are perhaps the most visible symbol of Rastafari, and these, too, are rooted in affirmation of indigenous identity. Dreadlocks are the natural way African hair grows, and wearing dreads thus represents a refusal to conform to white (more specifically Western) culture and fashion. Furthermore, dreadlocks are associated with the Lion of Judah, a biblical symbol Rastas use to represent Haile Selassie, and more generally the power of African anti-imperialism.
Through a variety of symbols, beliefs, and practices, Rastas are able to affirm indigenous identity and successfully fend off the cultural dimension of capitalist imperialism. Their success is proven by the fact that, after centuries of dehumanization and systematic attempts to rid them of indigenous culture, Rastas still recognize the motherland as their own with the primal vigor shown in their reception of Selassie upon his arrival in Jamaica. They fight by living a lifestyle true to their heritage that goes against the grain of political, economic, and cultural oppression. We end with words from His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I himself: “We are anxiously awaiting the day when those Africans in the dependent territories break the shackles of foreign tutelage, and become masters of their own fate.” In some ways, followers of Rastafari already have.
Sources:
"Rastafarianism" <http://religiousmovements.lib.virginia.edu/nrms/rast.html>
"Rastafari Speaks" http://www.rastafarispeaks.com/Selassie/
"Dread History: The African Diaspora, Ethiopianism, and Rastafari" http://educate.si.edu/migrations/rasta/rasta.html
Rastafari is a conception that was born at the moment that Europeans took the first black man out of Africa. They didn't know it then, but they were taking the first Rasta from his homeland.Kingston, Jamaica, April 21, 1966: The air is saturated with stimuli enough to overwhelm each of the senses. Your skin bakes in the searing rays of the sun. You are nearly deafened by the beating of drums, pulsating from every direction, and the roar of thousands chanting “Hail Ras Tafari!” Scanning the horizon, your eyes drown in a sea of dreadlocks, an ocean of fists, punctuated only by tri-colored flags and signs declaring the omnipotence of Jah and the supremacy of the King of Kings. You inhale deeply, overwhelmed by the pungent fragrance of ganja, the herb of wisdom. Licking your lips, you can still taste the salty sweetness of the boiled plantain given to you by the Rasta standing next to you. Billows of smoke pouring from his flared nostrils, he hands you a long wooden pipe, unfurling a banner with his free hand. He holds the banner to the sky, tears streaming from his crimson eyes. The banner reads: “All Hail the King of Kings, the Lion of Judah, the Almighty One, Ye shall break every chain again and again…”
--Rasta Elder, name unknown
Diaspora is a word rarely used outside of academia, and yet to millions across the world it is a daily reality. The defining feature of the last century was the reaction of the majority of the Earth’s population, the periphery, against an idiosyncratic and yet technologically powerful minority, the core. The core has, for half a millennium, attempted to systematically force the diverse majority into a very specific and standardized sociopolitical/economic/cultural model called liberalism, a model into which much of the periphery often simply does not fit. Centuries of organic traditions usually characterized by territorial dynamism were disregarded as colonizers drew demographically awkward state lines, separating the world from itself. Thousands were dragged from their homes and forced across the world in one of humankind’s most shameful epochs, the slave trade. Only after a period of chaotic self-destruction in the core, that of the World Wars and the Great Depression, was the periphery given an opportunity to seize formal control of its own activities. Despite decades of often turbulent decolonization, the core retained control in indirect, yet fundamental ways. Thus we begin to see the problems to which Jamaica’s Rastafari provides a potential solution.
Generally a decentralized, open-minded, and individualistic group, the Rastafarians worship Haile Selassie, emperor of Ethiopia through the mid-twentieth century. It was he who inspired the event depicted at the outset of this essay with his arrival for a visit in Jamaica. For centuries, colonizers have attempted to suppress indigenous cultures through slavery and oppression. How is it possible that diasporic Africa maintains such a connection with its heritage that people will journey by the thousands from far and wide to greet the emperor of a country they have not inhabited for hundreds of years? The answer to this question can be found in the strategy of cultural resistance exemplified by Rastafari. I will investigate the ideology and institutions that compose this rebellion after a brief contrasting look at more traditional forms of anti-colonial activity.
In fighting for independence, liberation movements have used a wide variety of tactics. Frantz Fanon’s concept of decolonization through violence repelled the French from Algeria. Gandhi’s insistence on decolonization through nonviolence cast the British from India. But as we speak, India, Algeria, and many other nations remain subordinate to the core, even as formally independent nations. The means of control employed by the core lie in the very structure of the world system as the core has developed it, namely a collection of sovereign territorial states acting as atomized competitors in a global market. The core holds a monopoly on market policy control through an assortment of international financial institutions. It also holds an advantage in the military and technological sectors. How can one hold one’s own against such a structure? Some choose to continue with violence as a primary means. The clearest example of this strategy is that of antistatist Islamic fundamentalist groups active in the Middle East, such as Al Qaeda. Others, with little in common other than rejection of imperialism, such as the Zapatistas in Chiapas and different grassroots groups in Argentina attempt to undermine the global capitalist order by dropping out and creating their own diverse and independent communities. The former are creating chaos and destruction, annoying the core but without having any apparent success in instituting a constructive alternative. The latter seem to be achieving important successes, although it is an uphill struggle. Ultimately, it is far too soon to judge success levels for either of these groups.
A third means of resistance is rebellion at the level of culture and identity. While this strategy often overlaps with the others — the Zapatistas make particularly good use of indigenous culture in their activities — we look here at the case of Rastafari. This is because Rastas have employed cultural warfare as their primary strategy.
Originally the Rastas pushed for a return to Zion from Babylon in a very literal sense. Zion referred specifically to Ethiopia and Babylon referred specifically to the host environments of Africans in diaspora. During decolonization efforts in the early and mid-20th century, Ethiopia seemed to be maintaining its de facto as well as formal independence. Thus, return meant a successful evasion of liberalism. However, Haile Selassie died in the 1970s, and the dream of Ethiopia as an empire representing authentically African aspirations collapsed. This was part of a greater trend of globalization that has left virtually no substantial territorial segment free from the market-based world system. The Rastas have adapted to this shift: over the last decades their ideology has grown increasingly symbolic and personal. Babylon has grown to mean more generally the state of dependence and exploitation faced by the African diaspora. Zion has grown to mean independence, freedom, and affirmation of indigenous culture. This characteristic is not a dramatic break, however, with the more traditional beliefs and practices of Rastafari. Concepts have always held symbolic implications in addition to literal meanings. Selassie himself, during his visit to Jamaica, advised that Rastas “should not seek to immigrate to Ethiopia until they had liberated the people of Jamaica.”
Since migration to Ethiopia on its own is not an effective means of rebelling against capitalism for reasons discussed above, Rastas now choose to start from wherever they are and live a lifestyle that maintains cultural integrity despite the core’s greatest efforts to deny them legitimacy. Insofar as Rastas succeed in accomplishing this, they are effectively resisting the hegemony of the capitalist world system. Rastas hold several key beliefs and practices that cultivate a sense of identity separate from that propagated by the system at large. That of “I and I.” A sense of self-centeredness is necessary to compete with others in the rigors of the free market. Rastas reject this human atomization by denying the existence of the other as separate from the self, seeing only one people permeated by Jah. Thus “I and I” instead of “you and I.”
Another important Rastafarian practice is the smoking of ganja during reasonings, informal rituals in which Rastas discuss politics, spirituality, and the state of their movement. Smoking is justified by the following passage from Psalms (104:14): “He causeth the grass for the cattle and herb for the service of man.” It is difficult to argue that ganja is detrimental to the cultivation of the dehumanizing competition that is capitalism, unlike certain other drugs such as caffeine and, arguably, alcohol (both rejected by devoted Rastas as unnatural). Ganja builds a sense of solidarity and cooperation. When used in the context of conscious reflection as it is during reasonings, ganja offers insights into subtle but essential cultural and personal dynamics and helps to initiate the growth of constant spiritual awareness. Ganja comes from the earth and brings those who use it responsibly closer to the earth.
Diet constitutes yet another affirmation of non-capitalist identity. Rastas are taught to eat only I-tal food, meaning food that comes straight from the ground and is as close to its natural state as possible. This is a sharp contrast to the mass produced chemical substances much of the rest of the world consumes.
Dreadlocks are perhaps the most visible symbol of Rastafari, and these, too, are rooted in affirmation of indigenous identity. Dreadlocks are the natural way African hair grows, and wearing dreads thus represents a refusal to conform to white (more specifically Western) culture and fashion. Furthermore, dreadlocks are associated with the Lion of Judah, a biblical symbol Rastas use to represent Haile Selassie, and more generally the power of African anti-imperialism.
Through a variety of symbols, beliefs, and practices, Rastas are able to affirm indigenous identity and successfully fend off the cultural dimension of capitalist imperialism. Their success is proven by the fact that, after centuries of dehumanization and systematic attempts to rid them of indigenous culture, Rastas still recognize the motherland as their own with the primal vigor shown in their reception of Selassie upon his arrival in Jamaica. They fight by living a lifestyle true to their heritage that goes against the grain of political, economic, and cultural oppression. We end with words from His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I himself: “We are anxiously awaiting the day when those Africans in the dependent territories break the shackles of foreign tutelage, and become masters of their own fate.” In some ways, followers of Rastafari already have.
Sources:
"Rastafarianism" <http://religiousmovements.lib.virginia.edu/nrms/rast.html>
"Rastafari Speaks" http://www.rastafarispeaks.com/Selassie/
"Dread History: The African Diaspora, Ethiopianism, and Rastafari" http://educate.si.edu/migrations/rasta/rasta.html
posted by The Protest at 5/26/2005
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